As in all debates, there is a danger that opposing sides take up
extreme positions in order to make their point. This appears to be
happening in the debate about lobbying the New Labour Government.
There is also a danger that ’specialists’ produce an analysis of the
situation which suits their own interests. Therefore, media specialists
argue that the media has suddenly assumed a new importance and
consultancies with ’ethical lobbying’ or ’strategic lobbying’ as their
USPs argue that they have found the lobbying equivalent of the Holy
Grail.
Serious lobbying of the Labour Party is not a new concept. It goes back
to the days of Neil Kinnock’s leadership. It is important to remember
that it was widely assumed for most of John Major’s early premiership
that Neil Kinnock would win the 1992 election. Key figures within the
Kinnock shadow administration were therefore targeted by outside
interests, including lobbyists.
The same process continued under John Smith and has developed under Tony
Blair. For lobbyists, the Blair leadership has posed a fascinating
challenge.
Here was a leader determined to fundamentally change his party - but to
do so in a way that kept it together. Some of the work had been
undertaken by Kinnock and Smith but Blair inherited a party that was
still Old Labour.
For lobbyists, the challenge was to understand Blair’s real agenda, to
analyse the internal pressures on him, to pinpoint the real figures of
influence and then to predict the party’s likely development on key
policy areas. There were real opportunities to participate in the
development of party policy and a willingness to include and involve
outside interests.
These were heady days for lobbyists. The business community and other
key sectors knew that change was about to happen but were uncertain
about its nature. They needed advice on the likely policy agenda and
help on dealing with the key decision makers. The old days of lunch at
the Carlton Club were to become as irrelevant to lobbying as socialism
was to become to New Labour. For lobbyists, the 1997 election did not
suddenly create New Labour - it turned it from a dream into a reality.
The interest was whether New Labour in power had the courage of its
convictions.
Imagine the lobbyist who has wonderful contacts but who is unable to
advise his clients on their messages, arguments, timing and third-party
advocates. He may well be able to arrange a meeting with key advisers
but it is unlikely that any adviser will agree to a second meeting.
Equally, imagine a lobbyist who has devised a creative strategy for his
client but is bereft of any serious political contacts within the new
Government. The campaign is unlikely to be a success.
The new Government is likely to force the lobbying industry to
regroup.
There are too many players in an overcrowded marketplace. It is also
debatable whether narrowly-focused lobby shops have a future. Already,
our clients are demanding a much wider range of public affairs skills -
not just Westminster-based lobbying, rather an issues management
approach.
Public affairs in the post-Nolan age is exciting. The new order
resembles in many ways the early days of Margaret Thatcher’s first
administration.
One day, of course, the Blair administration will itself become the
ancien regime.
For public affairs practitioners, the challenges of new advisers, a
large majority, an all-powerful Prime Minister and a still unclear
policy agenda will keep us on our toes. As before, our skill will be to
combine communication skills with an in-depth understanding of the
working of government and the ability to get beneath the skin of New
Labour.
The combination of quality strategic advice and quality political
contacts will separate the first-rate public affairs consultant from the
second-rate lobbyist. Those who argue differently are being
disingenuous.
Peter Bingle is managing director of the Government and political
affairs division at The Communication Group
